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President Bush appointed Miguel Estrada to the D.C. Circuit Court of
appeals in May of last year. To this date he has not received a hearing from the
Senate Judiciary committee. Miguel Estrada is routinely mentioned as a future
possible Supreme Court nominee.
“Miguel Estrada deserves a hearing, and Bush deserves
to have his
nominees considered in a timely manner…The Democrats bill themselves as pro-Hispanic, pro-immigrant, pro-education, and pro-worker caretakers of the American dream. Now that pitch has to suffer given the shabby treatment they have given to a Hispanic immigrant who used education and hard work to live the American Dream.” (Rubén Navarrette Column, Dallas Morning News, 4/13/02) You can read more about Miguel Estrada and his American success story at:
http://www.thelatinocoalition.org/images/pdf/Miguel_Estrada.pdf
Below are some statements made today by Orrin Hatch, on this nomination.
Statement of Orrin G. Hatch Ranking Republican Member, Committee on the Judiciary Before the Subcommittee on the Courts Hearing on: "The D.C. Circuit: The Importance of Balance on the Nation's Second Highest Court" September 24, 2002 Thank you, Chairman Schumer. I appreciate the opportunity to say a few words at this subcommittee hearing. Since the Democrats took over the Senate and the Judiciary Committee last June, my colleague and good friend from New York has been arguing that we on the Committee should be upfront about our role in the advice and consent process ? that we should not engage in the slight-of-hand of talking about one issue while voting on another. I agree with him to the extent that we should speak and act forthrightly, and we should not stoop down to the politics of personal destruction in order to justify a vote that is based on something else. Unfortunately, I think that is where our agreement ends. Several weeks ago on the floor, I had my friend as a captive audience because he was serving as the Presiding Officer, and I explained my view that being honest and open neither requires, nor excuses, the overt injection of raw politics into the advice and consent process. I explained then my opinion, based on 26 years of experience, that the only way to make sense of this process is to begin with the assumption that the President's constitutional power to nominate should be given a fair amount of deference, and that we should defeat nominees only where problems are truly significant. I believe that to the extent ideology is a question in judicial confirmations, it is a question answered by the American people and the Constitution when the President is constitutionally elected. The Senate's task of advice and consent is to advise and to query on the judicious character of nominees, not to challenge by our naked power the people's will in electing who shall nominate. The premise of this hearing reminds me of a nickname that some clever college freshman gave to one of his required first-year courses: Introduction to the Obvious. If the point of this hearing is to show that the D.C. Circuit currently includes four judges appointed by Democrats and four appointed by Republicans, then we hardly need to convene a Senate Subcommittee to figure that out. And, if the further point is made that adding one Republican appointee will result in five Republican appointees and four Democrat appointees, then I still can't imagine the hearing being disrupted by reporters running from the room yelling STOP THE PRESSES. But I know that we are not here to explore the obvious with a sense of discovery. So I suppose the real question is: What should we do about this? How should the Senate act when faced with courts that have either a balance or an imbalance between the number of Republican and Democrat appointees? Should we refuse to confirm any new judges to those courts unless they belong to the right political party? Should we wait until one of the judges steps down, and then wait even longer for there to be a President who happens to belong to the same political party as the President who appointed that judge? Well, these options seem to be perfectly ludicrous to me. The only possible answer is to accept the reality that Presidents have the power to appoint judges, and that the balance in the judiciary will change over time as Presidents change, but much more slowly. The variables of Presidential elections, judicial retirements, circuit size, and many other factors will mean that perfect balance will be achieved rarely if ever. That is simply how the system works ? and has worked, since the Judiciary Act of1789. Our role of advice and consent is meaningful, and we must take it very seriously, but it was never intended as the power to second-guess the President or simply to substitute our judgment for his, and in doing so usurping the will of the American people. Mr. Chairman, you know better than anyone that I am sincere about this, and that my track record proves it. Your report issued last Friday to the press shows that I voted against only one nominee in the last ten years. As a matter of fact, you could go back a lot further than that, because that's the only one for at least the last 22 years. And to clarify, I did so not on the basis of politics or ideology, but rather out of respect for the traditional role of home-state Senators in the selection of District Court nominees. When both home-state Senators of that nominee informed me that they were voting no, I felt I had no choice but to respect their judgment. For what it's worth, I think that vote was quite an unfortunate episode, but I nevertheless feel that I acted in accordance with Senate practice. In keeping with the spirit of openness and honesty, I must say this: although I know how this hearing is being billed, I am left to wonder why we are not having a hearing about the scandalous 9th Circuit, or about the procedural scandals that are plaguing the 6th Circuit. Why, I ask myself, are we having a hearing about the DC Circuit just two days before the nomination of Miguel Estrada. Coincidence? Surely not. When I was Chairman I ended the practice of having witnesses lined up to eviscerate good nominees. It was clear that the times had changed and that the base art native to the Potomac of destroying reputations had been too well perfected. I am glad that Chairman Leahy has concurred in this practice. I am disappointed that we are having this hearing because, to be frank, it strikes me that we are regressing, that this subcommittee is a just thinly veiled attempt to lay the foundation to oppose one of the most intelligent, accomplished and respected lawyers ever named to the D.C. Circuit Court. It seems to me that it would have been more forthright to name this hearing what it is: the Cňntra Estrada Hearing. Now let me express my very real concern for the build up that I see happening to attempt to harm the nomination of a brilliant young man who came to this country at age 17 from another country knowing very little English and who has made his parents proud. In one sense, I agree that there should be concern for balance on the D.C. Circuit. As Chairman and founder 12 years ago of the nonpartisan Republican Hispanic Task Force ? which, despite the name, is made up of both Republican and Democratic Members -- I have long been concerned for the inclusion of Hispanics in the federal government. Without trumpeting the over-used word "diversity," I have made it my business to support the nominations of talented Hispanics for my entire career in the Senate. I am sorry that not even the desire for diversity will trump the reckless pursuit of ideology in judicial confirmations. I have a special affinity for Hispanics and for the potential of the Latin culture in influencing the future of this country. Polls show that Latinos are the hardest working Americans, that they have strong family values and a real attachment to their faith traditions. In short, they have reinvigorated the American dream and I expect that they will bring new understandings of our nationhood that some of us might not see with tired eyes. I also know that Hispanics come in many colors and that they have left behind countries filled with ideologues that would chain them to particular political parties. I know that they share a common sense appreciation of each other's achievements in this country without any regard whatsoever to ideology, over which some Americans have the luxury of obsessing. I am concerned with balance on the D.C. Circuit, but of a real sort, not the kind to be discussed here today. Like President Bush, I think it is high time that a talented lawyer of Hispanic descent is represented on the second most prestigious court in the land. The D.C. Circuit hears federal cases no other court hears, and has a special role in the enforcement of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Yes, I think that it's time that a Hispanic sat on that court. I also think it is time that we unmask the way that Miguel Estrada's nomination is being treated, and the lengths that his detractors are going to place hurdles in its path. For months I have been sounding the alarm of the influence of the special interest groups on this Committee. I have been increasingly ashamed of the axis of profits that demands that judicial nominees be voted down for a palimpsest of reasons. While the game plan is unvaried, the quarterbacks change, and now it is the liberal Hispanic groups that are on the field. They ought to be ashamed of themselves. They have sold out the aspirations of their people just to sit around schmoozing with the power elite. I have repeatedly warned against what is going on behind the scenes. But I have done it so often that perhaps it is time to try it with new words. Well here is a Spanish word: Confabular. The word is confabular [con-fab-u-LAR]. It means: when one or more persons come together secretly to invent falsehoods about another. I am afraid that is what we will see this week against Miguel Estrada, and I am sorry, Mr. Chairman, that this hearing is part of the effort. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Confabular -- ponerse secretamente de acuerdo dos o mas personas para inventar una falsedad sobre un tercero. |
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